Consensual Relationship That Later Turns Sour Is Not Rape: Andhra Pradesh High Court Grants Bail in Breach of Promise Case Double Presumption of Innocence Applies; No Interference Unless Trial Court Judgment Is Perverse: Allahabad High Court in Murder Appeal Under BNSS A Single Act of Corruption Warrants Dismissal – 32 Years of Service Offers No Immunity: Punjab & Haryana High Court Upholds ASI’s Removal Suit Against Trustee Without Charity Commissioner’s Consent Is Statutorily Barred: Bombay High Court Inherent Power Under Section 528 BNSS Not a Substitute for Article 226 When FIR Is Under Challenge Without Chargesheet or Cognizance Order: Allahabad High Court Possession Without Title Is Legally Insubstantial: Gujarat HC Dismisses Appeal By Dairy Cooperative Over Void Land Transfer You Can Prosecute a Former Director, But You Can’t Force Him to Represent the Company: Calcutta High Court Lays Down Clear Limits on Corporate Representation in PMLA Cases Conviction Cannot Rest on Tainted Testimony of Injured Witnesses in Isolation: Bombay High Court Acquits Five in Murder Case One Attesting Witness is Sufficient if He Proves Execution and Attestation of Will as Required by Law: AP High Court Land Acquisition | Delay Cannot Defeat Just Compensation: P&H High Court Grants Enhanced Compensation Despite 12-Year Delay in Review Petitions by Landowners Allegations Implausible, Motivated by Malice: Kerala High Court Quashes Rape Case After Finding Abuse Claims a Counterblast to Civil Dispute Adoptions Under Hindu Law Need No Approval from District Magistrate: Madras High Court Declares Administrative Rejection of Adoptive Birth Certificate as Illegal

Pakistan Supreme Court Will Be No More Supreme: 27th Constitutional Amendment Triggers Alarms Over Civil-Military Balance and Judicial Authority

10 November 2025 12:48 PM

By: sayum


"Strategic Decisions Will Be Taken by Constitutional Forums Including Military" - Pakistan’s federal cabinet approved the draft of the 27th Constitutional Amendment Bill—marking what legal experts describe as a decisive shift in the country’s constitutional structure. If passed by Parliament, the amendment could significantly dilute the supremacy of the judiciary and Parliament by elevating the role of military and intelligence agencies in policy-making through a newly empowered National Security Committee (NSC).

Legal analysts and democratic watchdogs have warned that this amendment, though framed as a move toward “institutional coordination,” may be the most consequential rollback of constitutional civilian supremacy in Pakistan’s recent history.

“A Constitutional Forum That Includes Military Voices on Strategic Policy—This Changes the Game Entirely”

The key proposal under the 27th Amendment is to enshrine the National Security Committee (NSC) as a constitutional body with representation from military and intelligence institutions. Its formal mandate will be to advise on “strategic policy matters”—a vague and expansive term that experts say could encroach upon the domain of Parliament, the Executive, and most critically, the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

Legal observers argue that by constitutionalizing the NSC and giving it formal authority over strategic decision-making, the amendment will effectively create a parallel power center that is not accountable to the electorate or to judicial oversight.

One senior advocate remarked: “What this amendment does, if passed, is signal to all institutions—including the judiciary—that the final word on key national matters may no longer lie with the Supreme Court or Parliament, but with a forum in which unelected officials have veto power.”

A Pattern of Expanding Military Influence

This constitutional proposal comes after years of increased military visibility in civilian governance—ranging from economic planning to foreign policy. Pakistan has seen successive democratic governments struggle to maintain autonomy, while military-backed narratives gained prominence in administrative and security affairs.

The 27th Amendment appears to codify this practice by embedding it into the Constitution. Government officials maintain that the goal is to create structured coordination among state institutions. However, the real concern lies in the potential permanence this amendment will give to the military's advisory role, effectively shielding it from judicial scrutiny.

The move is widely viewed as part of a broader effort to rebalance constitutional power away from Parliament and judiciary toward the executive and military complex.

What Does the Amendment Say?

The amendment proposes major changes to Article 153 and Article 160 of the Constitution:

  • Article 153 (Council of Common Interests): It would now permit the establishment of bodies like the NSC with both civilian and military members to consult on national issues—an unprecedented formalization of military involvement in civilian governance.
  • Article 160 (National Finance Commission): The scope of this article would be widened to allow fiscal consultation from such strategic bodies—again, introducing military input in economic matters previously reserved for elected forums.

Legal experts warn that these changes, while appearing procedural, are “stealth shifts” in constitutional authority. The Supreme Court’s interpretative supremacy over such strategic matters could be undermined by a new consultative architecture not answerable to the judiciary.

One constitutional lawyer noted: “The Supreme Court’s traditional role as final interpreter of constitutional boundaries may be weakened if constitutional strategy bodies begin to set national directions without checks.”

Concerns Over Judicial Subordination

Many fear that once this amendment is enacted, judicial review of strategic decisions taken by the NSC could be limited or bypassed altogether. The language used in the draft is intentionally broad—giving the NSC a say in “strategic consultation”—a phrase that remains undefined, thus vulnerable to misuse.

A former judge commented: “When you constitutionalize undefined powers, you leave the door open for interpretations that erode judicial autonomy.”

The amendment does not provide a clear mechanism for judicial oversight over NSC decisions, which could render the Supreme Court subordinate to executive interpretations of “national strategy.”

This has led many to state that the Supreme Court of Pakistan risks being symbolically supreme, but practically bypassed in matters of national policy and security—areas where it has traditionally maintained constitutional authority.

Government's Justification: Stability and Coordination

Defending the amendment, the federal government argues that it aims to institutionalize consultation between the military, intelligence agencies, and civil administration to ensure national stability and better crisis response. Officials say the intent is not to undermine Parliament or the judiciary, but to avoid ad hoc governance in times of national emergency.

However, critics remain unconvinced.

“If coordination is the goal, why bypass existing democratic structures? Why give constitutional status to a committee that’s already functioning without parliamentary approval?”, asked a political analyst.

A Constitutional Crossroads for Civilian Rule

As the 27th Amendment moves to Parliament, legal circles in Pakistan are grappling with a fundamental question: Will this change solidify Pakistan’s democratic institutions, or will it entrench military influence in a way that sidelines judicial and parliamentary authority?

The potential implications are deep: a future where the Supreme Court may no longer be the final arbiter in critical national matters, and where unelected institutions may wield constitutional influence with minimal oversight.

The coming parliamentary debate will not just decide the fate of an amendment—it may decide the trajectory of Pakistan’s constitutional identity.

 

Latest Legal News